The main thesis of this paper is the assertion that, in contrast to the prevailing opinion about the decline or deep crisis of the intelligentsia, it is precisely this social group—and especially its elite—that is the dominant actor in social life. This thesis emerges from an analysis of the role of the intelligentsia, using ‘longue durée’ categories and also the broader international perspective of ‘world system theory’, in which Poland is assigned to the (semi)-periphery. Elements of Pierre Bourdieu’s theory, particularly the idea of cultural capital and the field of power, are an important theoretical poin in the author’s argument. In this view, the structurally privileged position of the intelligentsia in Poland is understood as an aspect of the specific configuration of the Polish field of power, in which—at least since the end of the First World War—cultural capital turns out to be the strongest and most stable dimension in the creation and reproduction of elite social positions.
The paper presents two competing perceptions of the modern university: the economic and the humanistic. While the economic approach has numerous and potent advocates in the modern, rationalized world, those opting for the humanist approach have to struggle for attention and understanding. The author aims to highlight the conflict between the two seemingly contradictory visions of the university in her sociological commentary about the debate over the importance of the humanities in Poland and worldwide. There exists, however, a kind of ontological meta-frame which allows the rhetoric of a ‘factory of knowledge’ and a ‘temple of knowledge’ to be accommodated. It consists in thinking of universities in universalistic categories, which should be the concern of the state as it seeks Poland’s civilizational advance—in the full meaning of the phrase.
This article concerns the conditions for the institutionalization of open academic debate. The author focuses on the changes that have occurred over time in the seminar’s place in academic practice. She describes three types of seminars, from various eras in university history. In each case, the bases for the institutionalization of academic discussion were generally-held convictions as to what knowledge is and how it should be sought. Seminars legitimized academic debate. The examples provided—of the medieval university, Humboldt’s university, and the so-called entrepreneurial university—have various sources of legitimation: religion, the authority of scholarship, or the economic ‘usefulness’ of science (devoid of other authority). The author attempts to show that the sources of legitimation are reflected in the forms of the seminar’s institutionalization: the composition of the participants, the conversational rules (its public or closed character), and the transparency of academic knowledge.
This article is an analysis, based on school textbooks, of the norms governing literacy practices in elementary education. These latter are treated as a kind of ritual: the symbolic behaviour impacting not so much the manner of the mental representation of reality as the corporeal-perceptive organization of experience. The aim of the article is to show that (1) contrary to classic literacy theory, writing is not always a tec because in many situational and institutional contexts writing practices are not instrumental but ritual practices, and (2) writing is not solely a tool of the intellect corresponding to a set manner of conceptualizing the world, language, and the self, but also a kind of social tool for the discipline of the body: the acquiring of a certain corporeal-perceptive disposition.
The word ‘narrative’ is used unusually often in the social sciences. The basic aim of this article is to draw the attention of social researchers, particularly sociologists, to problems with narrative theory. Narratology constitutes an important source of inspiration for sociologists. There are many perspectives and analytical approaches to the theory of the narrative. In this article, it is viewed from the perspective of sociological thought inspired by phenomenology and hermeneutics. Narration should certainly not be perceived as synonymous with other notions, as it has its own history and meaning. The author points, however, to the possibility of a link, on sociological grounds, between narrative and life history (biography) as two different but mutually interacting ideas.
This article contains an analysis of the issues of cultural transfer during the First World War in the areas occupied by the Central Powers and the territories affected by the war. The German propaganda institutions that emerged after August 1914 functioned, somewhat contrary to initial intentions, as a network for transnational exchanges and were used by publishers, translators, writers, and other actors in the cultural sphere of the time. On the basis of archival research, the author advances several ideas on, respectively, culturalmobility in the years 1914–1918, cultural propaganda in the period of the First World War as the prehistory (and not the antithesis) of later cultural policy, and the role of cultural propaganda/cultural policy in research into literary transfers.
This article is about the Brazilian aid programme called Programa Bolsa Família. The programme has generated the interest of international institutions, the media, and the academic world on account of its scale, which provides an opportunity for fundamental social reform; and its measurable success, which is clearly visible in the poverty statistics; and above all, on account of participation being dependent on the fulfillment of specific requirements in the field of education, health, and social care. The author undertakes to go beyond an analysis based on statistics and to look at the functioning of the programme from the level of the participants. On the basis of his own research—that is, freely-conducted interviews with the inhabitants of favelas and rural settlements—he describes what lies behind the terminology and poverty statistics. His analysis of the situation of over a dozen participants in the programme makes it possible to see the immediate improvement of their material situation; the author claims, however, that a complete diagnosis will be possible only after the passage of a dozen or more years, by comparing the human capital (and labor market position) of the children of families taking part in the programme with the socio-economic position of those families today.
The objective of this article is to describe the main characteristics of ‘football field’s anti-Semitism’, to understand its main causes, and to answer the question of whether anti-Semitism among football fans constitutes a symptom of one of the kinds of anti-Semitism discussed in the literature of the subject, or is its own kind of phenomenon. Based on reports of racism in Polish and Ukrainian stadiums, press articles, internet material, and in-depth interviews with fans of the Cracovian team Wisła, the authors conclude that football field’s anti-Semitism is a specific type. Even though footballs fans use content characteristic of modern or contemporary religion-based anti-Semitism, the addressees of their hatred are not followers of Judaism, members of the Jewish ethnic group, or the state of Israel, but fans of the opposing teams. Anti-Semitic incidents recur in places with a long history of Polish-Jewish coexistence, where the resulting antagonisms have been retained till today. The figure of the ‘Jew’ appears to be an effective, historically tested, method of showing contempt—the fans make use of the available content to insult their rivals.
Contemporary anthropology deals with a lot of topics that go beyond the traditional area of anthropological research. However, the problem of lying remains on themargins of anthropological analysis, although lying is generally considered to be an everyday factor in the life of many people. In this article, the author considers the possible reasons for this neglect. She argues that the omission cannot be explained in terms of the apparent lack of connection between lying and socio-cultural factors, but rather by the difficulty of conducting research on lying from the perspective of anthropology. Then she discusses her own approach to the study of lying, which she applied in researching the community of the Catholic Crisis Intervention Center. In this regard, she refers to Els van Dongen’s and Sylvie Fainzang’s idea, which emerged on the basis of medical anthropology.
This paper concerns the meaning and use of complex linguistic skills in social life, including in the professional sphere. After an introduction based on theories of language as ‘capital’ and data about Poles’ current language skills, the author presents her own research. The object of the study was to examine the social value of multilingualism in contemporary Poland by comparing the views of students, employers, and language-service providers. The research involved questionnaires, expert interviews, and qualitative and quantitative analysis of employment advertisements. On the basis of the results, it can be stated that the value of multilingualism is variously interpreted depending on the appraising entity. Poland is not, at least at present, a market for homo poliglottus, as multilingualism would appear to be underappreciated.
1. „Kultura i Społeczeństwo” zamieszcza wyłącznie materiały uprzednio nie publikowane. Zakładamy, że proponując tekst autor deklaruje tym samym, iż jest to jego oryginalna, samodzielna praca. W uzasadnionych przypadkach w przypisie powinny znaleźć się informacje o genezie tekstu (np. że jest to fragment pracy magisterskiej, doktorskiej czy opracowania grantowego) oraz o ewentualnych promotorach czy współpracownikach.
2. Wszystkie materiały są oceniane przez co najmniej dwóch recenzentów z zachowaniem zasady anonimowości (double-blind review). Dlatego prosimy o przekazywanie tekstownie podpisanych i załączanie w oddzielnej kopercie (oznaczonej tytułem artykułu) nazwiska autora, adresu, maila oraz telefonu kontaktowego. Autorów prosimy też o podanie miejsca pracy, stanowiska służbowego i tytułu naukowego oraz adresu do ewentualnej korespondencji z czytelnikami.
3. Teksty — o objętości maksimum 1,5 ark. wyd. — należy składać pod adresem redakcji w dwóch egzemplarzach, wydrukowane z podwójną interlinią(wraz z zapisem elektronicznym).
4. Tablice i wykresy należy załączać na oddzielnych stronach, a w tekście jedynie zaznaczać przeznaczone dla nich miejsca.
5. Bibliografię prosimy sporządzać (w porządku alfabetycznym) według zasad stosowanych w naszym czasopiśmie:
Nowak Stefan, 1979, System wartości społeczeństwa polskiego, „Studia Socjologiczne”, nr 4.
Szacki Jerzy (red.), 1995a, Sto lat socjologii polskiej. Od Supińskiego do Szczepańskiego, PWN, Warszawa.
Szacki Jerzy, 1995b, Wstęp: krótka historia socjologii polskiej, w: Jerzy Szacki (red.), Sto lat socjologii polskiej. Od Supińskiego do Szczepańskiego, PWN, Warszawa.
Weber Max, 2002, Gospodarka i społeczeństwo. Zarys socjologii rozumiejącej, tłum. Dorota Lachowska, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa.
Odniesienie w tekście ma wówczas postać (Weber 2002, s. 113).
Prosimy o niepodawanie adresów internetowych, dzięki którym dotarto do tekstów, lecz o umieszczanie w bibliografii opisu ich wersji pierwotnych.
6. W artykułach możliwe są oczywiście także przypisy treściowe (nie bibliograficzne), zamieszczone u dołu strony. W recenzjach preferujemy przypisy bibliograficzne w dołu strony, które mają wówczas postać:
J. Szacki, Historia myśli socjologicznej, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 2002, s. 113.
J. Szacki, Historia myśli socjologicznej, cyt. wyd, s. 233. Tamże, s. 255.
7. Tych, którzy kierują swoją pracę do działów „Artykuły i rozprawy” i „Z warsztatów badawczych”, prosimy o dostarczenie jej streszczenia w języku polskim — ewentualnie także angielskim — (o objętości nie przekraczającej1000 znaków, liczonych ze spacjami) oraz o wyznaczenie słów kluczowych w obu językach.